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Given the nature of the problems still facing black America, many black commentators believe there is still a justification for the confrontational, race-based politics of old hands such as Sharpton and Jackson. Indeed, it was noticeable in Obama's epic nomination battle with Hillary Clinton that establishment black politicians were far cooler about Obama than the black Democratic electorate. Many older black mayors, congressmen and senators ended up firmly in the Clinton camp or stayed on the sidelines until near the very end. 'People are worried that these post-racial politicians will not be able to forcibly address real black issues,' said Andra Gillespie, a political scientist at Emory University who is writing a book on Booker.
On the streets of America's inner cities, that same sentiment can be found, albeit expressed in simpler language. It often takes the form of a resentment of the education of the new black politicians and a belief that they do not understand what it means to be black in America. Obama has come under sustained criticism for his Hawaiian upbringing and his Kenyan - not black American - family background. Even in Newark, Booker is not immune. Manning is not shy about attacking what she sees as Booker's privileged upbringing in a wealthy white suburb. The vehemence of her words, delivered on a street corner as Booker prepared to get back in his SUV, jarred starkly with the positive post-racial rhetoric of the mayor's speech. 'Cory Booker did not know what it means to be black. He had to learn how to be black,' Manning said.
Her words perhaps deliberately echoed a famous campaign taunt used by Booker's predecessor as mayor, Sharpe James. James, who ran Newark for two decades as a classic old-school black politician, once said of Booker: 'You have to learn how to be African-American and we don't have time to train you.' But how times have changed. Booker is now mayor and James has been jailed on corruption charges.